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中世紀盛期的蘇格蘭

維基百科，自由的百科全書
坐落在默恩斯的鄧諾特城堡是大不列顛最好的防守要塞之一。該遺址在整個中世紀時期都被投入使用，城堡本身的歷史可以追溯到14世紀。

蘇格蘭中世紀盛期涵蓋了公元900年多姆納爾二世去世到1286年亞歷山大三世去世這段時期，而亞歷山大三世去世也是蘇格蘭獨立戰爭的間接原因。

在九世紀末期，多個並驅爭先的王國占領了現代蘇格蘭的領土。蘇格蘭北部以及西部島嶼主要受斯堪地那維亞半島的影響，西南部為布雷托尼克文化，東南部則是盎格魯-撒克遜即英格蘭諾桑比亞王國的天下。而福斯河以北的東部地區是皮克特人和蓋爾人引導的阿爾巴王國。到了十世紀和十一世紀，不列顛北部逐漸由蓋爾文化以及阿爾巴的蓋爾皇室所控制，阿爾巴在拉丁語中被稱為阿爾巴尼亞或斯科舍省，而英語稱它為「蘇格蘭」。這個王國以東部地區為基地，先向南控制領土，並最終控制了西部和北部的大部分地區。它擁有蓬勃發展的文化，隸屬蓋爾語地區的一部分，也是一個以農業和貿易為主的經濟體。

在十二世紀大衛一世國王（King David I）統治之後，蘇格蘭君主更適合被稱為斯科托諾曼人而非蓋爾人，因為他們更崇尚法國文化而非蘇格蘭本土文化。因此，法國的各類制度和社會價值觀念在蘇格蘭傳播開來，其中包括教會法。蘇格蘭的第一批城鎮名為伯格（burgh），它們正是在這一時期出現並發展的，同時，中古英語也傳播開來。但是，這些發展隨著諾爾斯-蓋爾西部地區的收購以及法國和英法貴族家族的蓋爾化而消失了。各種獨特的宗教和文化習俗的出現，促進了蘇格蘭的民族凝聚力。該時代末期，蘇格蘭經歷了「蓋爾復興」，確定了統一的蘇格蘭民族身份。到1286年，這些經濟，制度，文化，宗教和法律的發展使蘇格蘭與英格蘭和歐洲大陸鄰國更相似，儘管外界仍將蘇格蘭視為一個省，甚至將它當成野蠻的地方。在那一時期，蘇格蘭王國的政治界限與現代國家的界限已經非常相似了。

史學史

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中世紀盛期的蘇格蘭是一個研究的相對較為充分的話題，蘇格蘭中古史學家也在這方面出版了各類作品。大衛·杜姆維爾（David Dumville），托馬斯·歐文·克蘭西（Thomas Owen Clancy）和道維特·布勞恩（Dauvit Broun ）等人主要對該國的本土文化感興趣，他們也經常接受凱爾特語的語言訓練。 [1] [2] 一些像G.W.S Barrow的諾曼主義者對11世紀後傳入蘇格蘭的諾曼文化和蘇格蘭諾曼文化非常關注。在20世紀的大部分時間裡，歷史學家傾向於強調這段時期蘇格蘭發生的文化變革。 [3]然而，辛西婭·內維爾（Cynthia Neville）和理察·奧蘭姆（Richard Oram）等學者認為在關注文化變革的同時，延續過去的蓋爾文化也十分重要。 [4]

自1987年芭芭拉·克勞福德（Barbara E. Crawford）出版《斯堪地那維亞蘇格蘭》以來，致力於理解這一時期斯堪的維亞對蘇格蘭影響的作品不斷湧現。但是，從849年開始，隨著維京人入侵，聖高隆遺址從愛奧那島挪走，受斯堪地那維亞半島影響地區的本地書面材料幾乎消失了300年。 [5]因此，從八世紀到十一世紀，有關赫布里底群島以及整個蘇格蘭北部大部分地區的信息源幾乎全部是愛爾蘭語，英語或諾爾斯語寫的。諾爾斯語的文獻主要是在13世紀初期編寫的，應小心處理。使用英語和愛爾蘭語的文獻更具現代性，但歷史學家亞歷克斯·伍爾夫（Alex Woolf）認為，這「在故事中可能會導致南方偏見」，尤其是希伯來群島的人開始講諾爾斯語的這段時期。 [6]

有許多可追溯至19世紀的傳統氏族歷史，例如「具有紀念意義的唐納德氏族[7]和關於這一時期蓋爾族口耳相傳的大量語料，儘管它們的價值仍有待商榷。 [8]

阿爾巴王國的起源

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蘇諾之石位於古老的Fortriu王國里的Forres小鎮 ，這座可能是後皮克特風格的碩大紀念碑標誌著某種意義上軍事的勝利

在九世紀末期，各政體占領了蘇格蘭。皮克特族和蓋爾族引領的阿爾巴王國剛在東部聯結在一起，受斯堪地那維亞影響的諸島王國就出現在了西方。拉格納爾·馬伊爾（Ragnall uaÍmair）是當時的一個關鍵人物，儘管我們並不清楚他對蘇格蘭西部和北部（包括赫布里底群島和北部小島）領土的統治程度，因為這一事件在當代資料中並未記載。 [9]斯特拉斯克萊德王國的首府登巴頓（Dumbarton）於870年被UíÍmair[10]王朝所破壞。那是一次重大襲擊，可能使整個蘇格蘭大陸都受到UíImair王朝的臨時控制。 [11] 公元七世紀，蘇格蘭東南部由英國伯尼西亞王國/諾森布里亞王國吞併。加羅韋（Galloway）統治著蘇格蘭西南部。在一份可追溯至弗格斯（Fergus）統治時期的加羅韋憲章中，加羅韋統治者自封為加羅韋國王—加勒維滕斯（rex Galwitensium）。 [12] 而東北部的莫雷統治者，在Máel Snechtai這個名號前，不僅被稱為斯堪地那維亞和愛爾蘭血統的「國王」，也被稱為「阿爾巴國王」。 [13]

然而，當唐納德二世於900年在鄧諾特去世時，他是第一個被記錄為「蘇格蘭國王」的人[14] ，隨著維京人和其他影響在蘇格蘭減弱，他的王國作為中心逐步擴大。十世紀，阿爾巴精英階層開始以征服神話說來解釋蓋爾文化的強大是以犧牲皮克特文化為代價的。這被稱為麥克亞爾賓的背叛，描述了肯尼思一世如何在一次武裝占領中殲滅皮克特人。 但是，現代歷史學家現在開始反對這一蘇格蘭起源說。 [15]當代沒有史學資料可以證實這場征服的真實性。此外，在肯尼思一世之前，皮克特人早就受蓋爾文化影響了。說蓋爾話的皮克特統治者，[16]受皮克特皇家恩賜的蓋爾語詩人， [17]蓋爾語銘文[18]以及蓋爾語地名都是以上觀點的力證。 [19]皮克特語的徹底消失意味著皮克特文化向蓋爾文化過渡，同樣產生重要的影響還有康斯坦丁二世所謂的「 皮克特教堂」蓋爾化[20]以及維京人入侵也給皮克特王國中心地帶Fortriu的人造成不小的創傷。 [21]

受斯堪地那維亞影響的領土

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群島王國

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群島王國包括赫布里底群島，克萊德峽灣和公元9世紀至13世紀的曼島。這些島嶼在諾爾斯語中為Suðreyjar或「南部小島」，與奧克尼郡和設得蘭群島的「北部小島」或Norðreyjar不同，後者是奧克尼伯爵在中世紀盛期作為挪威王室的封臣而擁有的。

約1100年構成蘇格蘭的各個王國

在拉格納爾·阿伊瑪爾（Ragnall uaÍmair）之後成為群島之王的，是曾在937年參加布魯南布爾戰役並同時成為諾桑比亞國王的阿姆萊布·庫蘭（AmlaíbCuarán）。 [22][23]在隨後的幾年中，諾爾斯文獻還列出了其他統治者，例如吉利，西格德，霍肯·埃里克森[24]和索爾芬·西古德森，他們都曾是赫布里底群島的統治者，也是挪威或丹麥國王的封臣。

戈德雷德·克洛萬（Godred Crovan）[25][26]自1079年成為都柏林和曼恩的統治者，從十二世紀初期開始，克洛萬王朝宣誓就職，並在接下來的半個世紀以「曼恩和諸島之王」的名義進行統治。然而，這個王國由於薩默德行動而垮台，薩默德的兒子們繼承了赫布里底南部的統治權，「北島」由曼島人統治了一個世紀。 [27]

北部

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十一世紀中期，索芬（Thorfinn Sigurdsson）時代，斯堪地那維亞可能此時在蘇格蘭的影響力達到了頂峰[28] 。索芬（Thorfinn Sigurdsson）試圖建立一個從設得蘭群島一直延伸到曼島的單一政治和教會區域。 [29]因此，當時斯堪地那維亞人在蘇格蘭永久擁有的土地至少為現代蘇格蘭土地面積的四分之一。

到十一世紀末，挪威王室接受凱斯尼斯（Caithness）是奧克尼伯爵（Earls of Orkney）從蘇格蘭國王那裡受封到的領地，儘管該領地的北歐特色在整個十三世紀都得以保留。 [30]13世紀初期，在蘇格蘭國王與奧克尼伯爵Harald Maddadson發生衝突時，Raghnall mac Gofraidh協助了國王，於是他被授予凱斯尼斯（Kaithness）的這一封地。

在九世紀，奧克尼人將控制滲透到了莫雷，而這段時期大部分時間，莫雷都是作為半獨立國家存在的。 [31]莫雷統治者麥克白 （1040–1057）和他的繼任者盧拉赫 （1057–1058）一度成為整個蘇格蘭王國的統治者。 [32]但是，1130年後，蘇格蘭國王將莫雷征服，殺死了當時叛亂的莫雷統治者奧格納斯（Ouengus ）。 1187年的另一次起義同樣沒有成功。 [33]

蘇格蘭西南部

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挪威國王馬格努斯（Mannus Barefoot）在一枚硬幣上（1093-1103）

到十世紀中葉，Amlaíb Cuarán控制了威格敦郡 [34] ，該地區的現代名為蓋洛偉，由於維京人和蓋爾愛爾蘭人在此定居產生蓋爾-蓋德爾族，因此蓋洛偉這一名字正是這大雜燴的產物。 [35]據說馬格努斯·巴雷萊斯（Magnus Barelegs）在11世紀「制服了蓋洛韋人民」 ，而惠特霍恩（Whithorn）似乎是西伯利亞-北歐工匠的中心，這些工匠在第一個千年末期就在愛爾蘭海附近進行貿易。 [36]但是，該地區的名字，關於諾爾斯人是否大量在該地區定居（與諾爾斯蓋爾人相比），無論是書面還是考古證據都不令人信服。 [37]

在西海岸包括阿蓋爾的大部分地區和除了索爾威灣附近一個區域的大部分西南地區，盎司蘭量衡變得流行起來。在鄧弗里斯和加洛韋，有關地名的證據很複雜，它們受蓋爾語、諾爾斯語和丹麥語的混合影響，因為英格蘭北部有大量的丹麥人定居。 [38]儘管蘇格蘭人在吉拉·布里格特（Gilla Brigte）逝世後以及在洛希蘭（ Lochlann）於1185年登基後獲得了更大的控制權，但直到1235年蓋洛韋叛亂平息後，蓋洛韋才最終完全歸屬蘇格蘭。 [39]

參考資料

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  1. ^ "Professor David Dumville" Archive.is的存檔，存檔日期2012-08-01. University of Aberdeen. Retrieved 11 February 2012.
  2. ^ "Prof Thomas Clancy" （頁面存檔備份，存於網際網路檔案館）. University of Glasgow. Retrieved 11 February 2012.
  3. ^ "The Paradox of Medieval Scotland: 1093-1286" 網際網路檔案館的存檔，存檔日期2010-12-30.. University of Glasgow and partners. Retrieved 11 February 2012.
  4. ^ e.g. Oram, The Lordship of Galloway (2000); Boardman & Ross (eds.) The Exercise of Power in Medieval Scotland (2003); Neville, Native Lordship (2005).
  5. ^ Woolf (2006b) p. 94.
  6. ^ Woolf (2007) p. 275.
  7. ^ Marsden (2008) p. 33 referring to MacDonald A. and MacDonald A. (1896-1904) The Clan Donald. Inverness.
  8. ^ Graham-Campbell and Batey (1998) pp. 37–46.
  9. ^ Woolf (2007) p. 148.
  10. ^ Woolf (2007) p. 109.
  11. ^ Woolf (2007) p. 115.
  12. ^ Oram (2000) p. 62.
  13. ^ For Findláech, ri Alban, Annals of Ulster, s.a. 1020; Anderson (1922) vol. i, p. 551. For Máel Coluim, Annals of Tigernach, s.a. 1029; Anderson (1922) vol. i, p. 571. The Annals of Tigernach though styles Findláech merely Mormaer.
  14. ^ Anderson (1922) vol. i, p. 395.
  15. ^ e.g. Broun (1997); Broun (2001) p. 359; Woolf (2001) p. 604; Forsyth (2005) pp. 28–31. Compare older accounts, such as Smyth (1984) pp. 175–189.
  16. ^ See Clancy (2004) pp. 125–149.
  17. ^ Clancy (1998) pp. 15–16, 115.
  18. ^ Woolf (2007) pp. 62–63.
  19. ^ Nicolaisen (1976/2001) pp. 165–191; Taylor (1996), pp. 93–103.
  20. ^ Chronicle of the Kings of Alba; Anderson (1922) vol. i, p. 445.
  21. ^ Woolf (2006) pp. 182–201.
  22. ^ Gregory (1881) pp. 4–6.
  23. ^ Woolf (2007) pp. 45–46.
  24. ^ Woolf (2007) p. 246.
  25. ^ Gregory (1881) p. 5.
  26. ^ The Chronicle of Man and the Sudreys (1874) p. 51.
  27. ^ Sellar (2000) p. 193.
  28. ^ Crawford (1987) p. 221.
  29. ^ Crawford (1987) p. 79.
  30. ^ Imsen (2007) pp. 11–12.
  31. ^ Mackie (1964) p. 38.
  32. ^ Mackie (1964) p. 43.
  33. ^ Mackie (1964) p. 52.
  34. ^ Woolf (2007) p. 254.
  35. ^ Logan (1992) p. 49.
  36. ^ Graham-Campbell and Batey (1998) p. 203.
  37. ^ Graham-Campbell and Batey (1998) pp. 106–108.
  38. ^ Crawford (1987) pp. 87, 93, 98.
  39. ^ Oram (2000) pp. 141–146.
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